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THE PRESIDENCY. 



The following Essays were addressed to the " Bed- 
thnore Chronicle^'''' and pubhshed in that paper. — 
Their aim is a concentration of the whole opposition 
to General Jackson — if they shall have a tendency to 
produce such a result, — the purposes will be accom- 
plished of AN OLD MAN. 



•W^" 



THE PRESIDENCY. 



TO THE EDITORS OF THE CHRONICLE. 



Gentlemen — Your article under this head in your 
paper of this morning gives me unfeigned deh'ght, by 
its cahnness, its decorum and its dignity. This is a 
time for concihation, mutual good feeling and union, 
and no good can result from our treating either of the 
gentlemen who are before the public, rudely or disre- 
spectfully. They are all worthy of respect, and insult 
either to them, or to their respective friends, can have 
no other tendency than to exasperation and disunion, 
while it is admitted on all hands that haniiony and 
union are indispensible to our common object. 

But while I am altogether gratified by the tone of 
your article, I do not entirely agree with you in your 
mode of considering the subject. I am a Clay man 
— By which I mean that I should prefer the election 
of Mr. Clay to any other. But I am not a Clay man 
to the extent of preferring him to the cause of my 
country. I am for supporting him in preference to 
all others if we can make him the common rallying 
point of the whole opposition ; for you admit, as we 
all admit, that a union of the whole opposition is ne- 
cessary to defeat the re-election of General Jackson. 
But if we cannot make Mr. Clay this common rally- 
ing point, and can make another man so, of unexcep- 
tionable politics and character, then I am for support- 



ing that other man. Although from my attachment to 
Mr. Clay, it would be almost as painful to me to give 
him up as to lose a limb, yet I would rather bear the 
amputation than lose the life of the cause. 

I agree with you perfectly in the sentiment that " a 
pertinacious adherence to a man ought not to be con- 
sidered as paramount to our duty to our country." — 
But I apply the sentiment fairly and impartially to all 
sides. When I say to the other parties that all per- 
sonal predilection ought to be given up to advance the 
common object, I mean what I say in its fullest extent. 
I have no mental reservations in favor of Mr. Clay or 
any other individual. I do not call upon the other 
members of the opposition to do what I am unwilling 
to do myself, for this would be disingenuous and un- 
just ; and acting upon this principle in perfect candor 
and integrity, I, for one, am ready to give up Mr. Clay, 
however painful the'sacrifice, if I can be convinced that 
the paramount object of uniting the opposition demand 
the surrender. 

And I am ready, as we all ought to be, to consider 
this question not through the medium of our prejudices, 
but by that impartial light of reason to which all the 
members of the opposition ought willingly to bow. 

The question then is, on which of these candidates 
is it most probable and practicable to unite the whole 
opposition } The Q,uestion is not on which of them 
we of the Clay party think that they ought to unite, 
but on which of them it is most practicable to bring 
them to unite — for we wish to gain the end, and it is 
not for us alone to choose the means. The other 
members of the opposition are also to be consulted ; 
and they must be consulted if we wish to accomplish 



the common object ; because we admit that we can- 
not succeed without them — and it will be utterly idle 
and unavailing in us to accuse them of obstinacy, they 
will retort the accusation, and the affair will end in a y^ 
quarrel instead of ending in union. < 

Let us consider this matter coolly and wisely before 
the breach becomes irreparable ; and let us bring about 
this union by any sacrifice of feeling, if it be practicable 
to bring it about. 

' How stands the argument? You say that the other 
members of the opposition ought to unite on Mr. Clay 
because he has the strongest party. 

They answer, 1. You may be the strongest part of 
the opposition, considering the parts separately, but 
are you stronger than all the rest of the opposition 
united? and when you have made the proper deduc- 
tions from our electioneering estimate of Mr. Clay's 
strength, I fear the candid answer must be against us. 

2. They answer that if it were conceded that you 
are stronger than all the rest of the opposition com- 
bined, you admit that you cannot succeed without us, 
and though we were as much weaker than you, as the 
8tate of Vermont is weaker than the State of New 
Y'ork, yet we are integral members of the opposition, 
and cannot be reasonably and fairly expected to bow to 
your dictation — we are willing to meet on middle 
ground, but not willing to surrender the whole of our 
rights. 

3. With regard to Mr. Clay, they say, we have an 
insuperable antipathy to that choice. With your pre- 
dilection for him we know that you consider this both 
unreasonable and offensive. But we have as much 
right to our opinions as you have to yours — take some 



other man of your own party, who shall be per- 
fectly unexceptionable to yourselves, and we are 
wilhng to unite upon him — why do you hesitate, 
except upon the very principle which you disavow, I 
that the cause is to be sacrificed to the man whom " 
you call your " first love." 

I do not know how you may consider this sub- 
ject, but I confess that the argument seems to me 
to be against us. 

I am an old man, and look upon this matter coolly 
and dispassionately. My wish is to see that union 
of the whole opposition effected, on which we all i 
admit that our success depends — I do not ask my- 
self, therefore on whom the opposition ought to be 
united, but on whom can it be united? I do not '^ 
ask myself which of the candidates is the strongest ^ 
man, now, but which of them can we make the 
strongest man by uniting upon him? And the only 
remaining question is, on which of these candidates 
is it most practicable to bring all the members of 
the opposition to unite. 

1. Will the Anti-Masons unite on Mr. Clay? I say 
will they; not, ought they? We must deal with men 
as they are, and not as we wish them to be. Will 
they unite on Mr. Clay? It is in vain to delude our- 
selves with idle hopes, we know that they will not; 
and we know also that without their aid, Mr. Clay 
cannot carry New York or Pennsylvania, to say noth- 
ing of the New England States. 

2. Will the Anti-Tariff States, including all the 
States to the South of the Potomac, unite upon Mr. 
Clay? W^e know that they will not. 

3. Will the elements of General Jackson's party 



now dissolving, or preparing to dissolve, unite on Mr. 
Clay? We know that they will not, but on the con- 
trary, if Mr. Clay be the only alternative offered to 
them, instead of falling off, as they are ready to do, 
they will be cemented more closely to their present 
leader, and thus increase his strength and weaken the 
opposition. 

However painful these conclusions must be, can we 
deny them ? Do they not stare us in the face, and do 
we not in our secret bosoms all admit them? What 
wisdom is there then in denying them, or masking them 
from the people? It would be pohtic I admit, if with 
the loss of Mr. Clay I could see that we were to lose 
the great object which we had in view. But this I do 
not see ; for I think it depends entirely on the course 
to be taken by the National Republican party whether 
wc are to lose our cause or not. And since the other 
members of the opposition will not unite on the man 
of our choice, let us see if we cannot still find a man 
in our own ranks — upon whom we can unite with 
them; without endangering our political principles. 

If the mountain will not come to Mahomet, let us 
see if Mahomet cannot save his cause by going to the 
mountain. 

For the present I have trespassed upon you long 
enough. I know that those who see nothing in the 
case but Mr. Clay, will consider this as a very cold- 
blooded speculation. But I have lived long enough to 
look from men to the country, for I am 

AN OLD MAN. 

Bait., Oct, 27, 1831. 



8 



LETTER II. 

Gentlemen : — Let me pursue this subject in the 
same calm and dispassionate tone which I have ah'eady 
adopted after your good example. 

My object is the same with yours; to carry the 
election against Gen. Jackson, and to carry it, if we 
can, by Mr. Clay. But inasmuch as it is admitted on 
all hands that we cannot carry it at all except by a 
union of the whole opposition, the question is, on which 
of the candidates that whole opposition can be pro- 
bably united. 

I have already examined the question with regard 
to Mr. Clay. He is confessedly the favorite of the 
National Republicans: but this is the whole of his 
strength. — It is useless to flatter ourselves with tlie 
hope that any other part of the opposition will rally 
upon him ; we cannot but see and know that it is a 
hope which cannot be realized; it is a conviction so 
painful that we are unwilling to look at it — we turn 
our eyes away from it, and satisfy ourselves with say- 
ing, " he is the strongest man, and if he cannot de- 
feat General Jackson, nobody else can;" but is this 
wise.? Is it not wiser to look the danger firmly in the 
face, and to guard ourselves against it if we can? Mr. 
Clay is not the strongest man if he cannot unite the 
whole opposition and any one else can ; and he may 
be unable to defeat General Jackson because he cannot 
unite the whole opposition, while some one else, less 
splendidly conspicuous than himself, may be able to 
unite it and thus accomplish what he cannot. 



Having seen that it is utterly hopeless to expect a 
union of the whole opposition on Mr. Clay, let us turn 
to the other candidates and take up Mr. Calhoun. 
Here is a gentleman not less dear to his friends than 
Mr. Clay is to us. That he is a most splendid man 
every one admits ; and that in his address and man- 
ners he is one of the most fascinating of the human 
race no man will deny who ever came within the 
sphere of his influence. — Can the whole opposition 
unite upon him.? To look no farther than to our own 
party, we see at once that this is impossible. His pe- 
cuHar opinions on the great subjects which distinguish 
our party make it impossible for us to go to him, and 
thus it is impossible that he can unite the opposition. 

Now let us turn to Mr. Wirt. This is a new can* 
didate and with less pretension than either of the 
others. He is, you say, the weakest of the three, and 
considered merely with reference to the party which 
has nominated him, I believe you are right. — But that 
very weakness may prove his strength, for he has tak- 
en no such prominent part in the pubhc measures of 
the country as to render him obnoxious to any party: 
while I do not understand that there is any doubt that 
he agrees with us in his political principles. 

On the contrary I see it alleged in our own papers 
that the Anti-Masons have selected for their candi- 
date " one of the brightest pillars of our own party." 
Then im cannot object to him on any other ground 
than that he is not our first choice. But we see that 
we cannot get our first choice, and shall we refuse to 
take our second, if the other parts of the opposition 
will agree to unite upon him.-' If our principle be, 
as you allege it to be, that " a pertinacious adherence 
2 







10 

to a man is not to be considered as paramount to our 
duty to our country,"" and our duty to our country be 
to displace General Jackson if we can, by a union of 
the whole opposition, and there be a probability of 
uniting that whole opposition on BIr. Wirt, is it not 
our duty to form that union? Then let us examine 
this probability in relation to Mr. Wirt. 

He has already the Anti-Masonic party, who are 
believed to hold the balance of power in New York, 
Pennsylvania and Vermont. I do not say that they 
can command those states by their single vote, but 
that they hold the balance of power there, and can 
turn the fate of any election in those states. — It is be- 
lieved they can do the same in all the other New 
England states, and it is alleged without contradiction, 
that their numbers are rapidly increasing. This par- 
ty Mr. Wirt already has, and we know that they will 
not go to Mr. Clay, I consider them as having al- 
ready made an advance to us in the selection of Mr. 
Wirt. ^Ve could wish that they had advanced further 
/ and taken Mr. Clay — but in this business of compro- 
mise and concihation we cannot have every thing our 
own way. 

Now suppose that the National Republicans unite 
upon Mr. Wirt, you perceive that he becomes at once 
a most powerful candidate, commanding already two 
great limbs of the opposition. How will he stand with 
the other members of it. 

It is no longer a secret, that the people of the South 
are so thoroughly disgusted with the course of Gene- 
ral Jackson, that they are ready to break off from him 
if they could lind a man on whom they could settle 
with any consistency and dignity on their own part. 



11 

Tliey have heretofore denounced Mr. Clay in terms 
so bitter and unqualified, that it is out of the question 
to expect them to come to him. They have no such 
quarrel with INIr. Wirt: on the contrary, he and Mr. 
Calhoun are said to have been warm personal 
friends ever since they joined the administration of 
Mr. Monroe in 1817, and although Mr. Wirt's pohtics 
may not suit them altogether, yet he has not advanc- 
ed any of those ultra doctrines, as they term them, 
with which they have quarrelled in the case of Mr. 
Clay. There seems to be no reason to doubt that they 
would prefer Mr. Wirt to General Jackson, while 
they have openly declared that if the question be be- 
tween Mr. Clay and General Jackson, they will ad- 
here to the latter. In confirmation of this view of the 
subject we must have all remarked, that the leading 
paper in Mr. Calhoun's interest, the Telegraph, has 
given the most intelligible indications of Mr. Cal- 
houn's withdrawal from the contest, and of the will- 
ingness of that party to come to Mr. Wirt. 

We have been told too, that ISIr. Wirt has an exten- 
sive personal interest in Virginia, where he was and 
is a great favorite with the illustrious leaders of our 
party, Jefferson, Madison, INIonroe, and with the great 
body of the republicans throughout the state ; and if 
it be true that the Jackson party in that state have be- 
come so dissatisfied with him that they are ready to 
fall off as soon as they can find an acceptable leader, 
though they cannot come to Mr. Clay after the bitter 
warfare they have so long waged against him, yet 
there can be no reason to doubt that they will come 
with alacrity to Mr. Wirt, to whom they are said to be 
so warmly attached. 



K 12 

Now, if the National Republicans, and the Southern 
interest will combine on Mr. Wirt, (of which there 
seems the strongest probability) we shall have the 
whole opposition united, and General Jackson is de- 
feated, which is the very point at which we are all 
driving. 

You intimate that Mr. Wirt is not a tried and ex- 
perienced statesman, but remember it is a President 
we want, and that the best school to form such an of- 
ficer is the Cabinet of the President. In this Cabinet 
we must all know that all the great principles of poli- 
cy and all public measures are discussed in a calm 
and executive manner, without any of that declama- 
tion, which, in Congress, appeals oftener to the pas- 
sions than the judgment, and in that Presidential 
School of the Cabinet, Mr. Wirt has served a longer 
apprenticeship than either of the candidates. — Mr. 
Clay having served but four years, Mr. Calhoun eight, 
and Mr. Wirt twelve. — In these Cabinets, too, if I am 
correctly informed, all the measures on which our 
party is formed were digested and planned; Mr. Wirt 
partook in them ; and we admit that he is unexcep- 
tionable, both as to talents and character. He is not 
what is called a hackneyed politician ; has had nothing 
to do with political intrigues, and that party bickering 
of which the country is tired, and, on this account, 
will be far more acceptable to moderate men of all 
parties, than either of the other gentlemen. 

In short, by uniting on this gentleman, I see a 
strong and well founded hope of saving the country; 
whereas by pressing our friend, Mr. Clay, on the sin- 
gle strength of the National Republican party, we in- 



13 

fallibly lose both our country and our favorite. Since 
it is never to be forgotten, as a conceded point, that 
without the whole opposition in his favor he cannot 
succeed, and it can be no gratification to him to be 
run for the purpose of being defeated. 

I fear I have been rather tedious in this discussion, 
but garrulity is the privilege of 

AN OLD MAN. 



14 



LETTER III. 

Gentlemen. — I thank you for the respectful no- 
tice you have taken of my communications. — It is 
only in this calm and temperate way that truth can 
be discussed with any advantage — Permit me, then, 
in the same spirit, to resume the discussion to which 
your comments on my articles seem to invite me. 

We agree, that in order to effect this union, all pre- 
dilections in favor of any candidate ought to be put 
aside, although that candidate should be the first favo- 
rite of our party. 

The only question between us, is, on which of 
the candidates this opposition can be most probably 
united. 

You think that it can be most probably united on 
Mr. Clay, because he is already very strong, and the 
other candidates are comparatively very weak. 

Now, witliout disputing your premises, that Mr. 
Clay is by far the strongest candidate, I must be per- 
mitted to doubt your conclusion. It would seem, in- 
deed, that the larger mass ought to be more able to 
draw to it the smaller masses, than that the smaller 
should be able to move and attract to them the larger; 
and so it would be, if these masses were all of the 
same character. If, for instance, the whole opposi- 
tion were composed of National Republicans, it 
would be most absurd to talk of any other candidate 
than Mr. Clay. But it happens, unfortunately, that 
this is not the true state of the case. That large mass, 
called the opposition is not all of the same character. 



15 

It is divided by characteristic distinctions, which are 
strongly marked. The different parts stand asunder, 
repelhng each other reciprocally ; and it requires some 
agent to be interposed, to which they may all feel a 
common attraction, to move them from that state of 
hostility and bring them together. Now, to prove that 
Mr. Clay may be best employed as this agent, it is not 
enough to shew that the largest part of this mass al- 
ready adheres to him ; it must be further shewn that 
he presents points of attraction to the other parts, or 
he can never be expected to bring them together. But 
still worse, if, instead of presenting points of attraction, 
he presents only points of repulsion, it is manifest, 
that, instead of bringing the party together, he will 
only drive them further asunder. And permit me, 
gentlemen, to ask you in candor, whether this be not 
the true state of the case? We, who form the larger 
mass, may deplore it as much as we please, but can we 
deny the fact.^* Let us consider the parts of which 
this opposition is composed, in order to see if what I 
have stated be not the truth. 

1. There is the National Republican party, the 
larger mass, adhering to Mr. Clay. 

2, There is the Southern or Anti-Tariff interest, 
adhering to Mr. Calhoun. Does Mr. Clay present a 
single point of attraction to that party.'' Is he even a 
NEUTRAL with regard to them.'' Does he not positively 
repel them ; by the inveterate rivalship between their 
leaders, by the open denunciation which they have 
made and continued against Mr. Clay, on account of 
the part which he took in the election of Mr. Adams, 
and by the open and deadly quarrel which they main- 
tain with what they call his ultra notions on the tariff? 



16 

Is it in the nature of things to expect that party to 
unite on Mr. Clay? It certainly is not. And observe, 
that this party alone embraces all the states to the 
south of the Potomac, without the assistance of some 
of which, it is impossible that Mr. Clay can be elected. 
The refusal of this single party to unite upon him, 
would ensure his defeat. But this is not all; for, 

3d. There is the Anti-Masonic party, which, it is 
utterly in vain for us to expect, will ever unite upon 
Mr. Clay. The hope, I perceive, is given up by the 
most sanguine of our papers. And, however much 
we may affect to despise the weakness of this party, 
we cannot conceal from ourselves the fact, that they 
hold the balance of power in two of the largest states 
in the Union, New York and Pennsylvania; that they 
have, already, the command of Vermont, and that 
their strength is still in rapid progress in the New- 
England states generally. Now, whether their strength 
be positive or negative, it is clear that Mr. Clay can- 
not take New York or Pennsylvania without them; 
and, that without these states, all his other strength 
to the North, will be wholly unavailing. 

4. There is another part of the opposition which 
you have not noticed, but which I deem very im- 
portant in this calculation. The Jackson party is 
in a state of dissolution, and very many of its members 
are ready to fall off the moment they can see an attrac- 
tive leader in the field. Does Mr. Clay present any 
such attractions to them.'* So far from this they 
are now adhering to their former leader by no 
other pressure except their antipathy, unfounded and 
unjust as it is, to Mr. Clay, against whom they have 



17 

committed themselves so deeply, that they cannot 
with any shew of consistency, or even decency, unite 
upon him. 

I do not make a separate head of Judge McLeane's 
personal friends, though they are known to be very 
numerous in Ohio and the West, and that they cannot 
be counted for Mr. Clay. 

Now, although it is perfectly true, that the other 
parts of the opposition cannot make a President with- 
out the aid of the National Republicans, yet it is 
equally obvious, that the National Republicans cannot 
make a President without the aid of the rest of the 
opposition. 

Of what avail is it then, gentlemen, to make an 
enumeration of our strength, and of their weakness, 
if our strength alone be insufficient for our purpose.'' 
Of what avail is it to ask tliem to come to us, because 
we are the stronger party, while we continue to offer 
them no other candidate but one who, instead of at- 
tracting, manifestly repels them. 

They have shewn no disinclination to come to our 
jiarty, though they refuse to come to the particular 
candidate whom we prefer — I consider the Anti-Ma- 
sonic nomination of Mr. Wirt, as an advance to our 
party. They offer us a man of our own party, whom, 
we ourselves, I understand, are willing to make the 
Vice President. If they had acted with reference to 
their own principles alone, I cannot believe they would 
ever have singled out Mr. Wirt; for they certainly 
had men of their own party, decidedly more Anti-Ma- 
sonic than he is, and conspicuous men too, whom it 
would be easy to name. I have regarded their nomi- 
nation from the beginning, as an overture to the Na- 



18 

tional Republican party for the very purpose of the 
union at which we are all aiming; and I have very ht- 
tle doubt in my own mind, that the nomination was 
accepted with the same view — I mean, to afford us the 
only opportunity for the union which seemed likely to 
occur. 

I do not agree with you, that all the concessions are 
asked of the National Republican party. For here 
is at once, a concession by the Anti-Masonic party, to 
which we have made no return. And if the southern 
interest should unite on Mr. Wirt, there will be the 
concession, not only of their favorite candidate, but of 
the favorite measure on which they have set their 
hearts ; for though they have nothing to dread from 
any uUraism in Mr. Wirt; they cannot but knovv^ that 
he is a National Republican. The grounds of my 
calculation on that party, in favor of Mr. Wirt, are: 
1st. Their manifest determination to break off from 
General Jackson. 2d. Their despair of carrying 
Mr. Calhoun. 3d. The personal attachment of this 
gentleman to Mr. Wirt. 4th. The absence of all of- 
fence with Mr. Wirt, who has never alarmed them by 
the annunciation of what they style ultra doctrines, 
and their confidence in the known moderation of his 
character, and 5th, the marked indications afforded by 
the leading Calhoun paper, the Telegraph of Wash- 
ington. Neither of these causes operate to inspire 
the faintest hope for Mr. Clay; but unfortunately the 
reverse! while they all conspire to point our attention 
to Mr. Wirt. 

You think that if this gentleman were the only can- 
didate of the opposition, he could not take the states 
of Louisiana, Kentucky, Ohio, Maryland, or New 



19 

Jersey against General Jackson. That is to say, the 
people of these states would prefer General Jackson 
to Mr. Wirt. Now, in this I cannot agree with you. 
Because 1 understand, you assume, that these states 
are opposed to General Jackson on the ground of his 
unfitness for the office which he holds ; and if so, I 
cannot believe them so destitute of patriotism, as to 
prefer him to a man who seems to be admitted on all 
hands to be highly fitted for the office, and in whose 
character there is nothing that is not eminently cal- 
culated to attract respect, confidence, attachment and 
support. 

I agree with you entirely in thinking that these 
states would go for Mr. Clay, with far more ardor than 
for Mr. Wirt, because they would be impelled by the 
double motive of hostility to the present incumbent, 
and well merited attachment to Mr. Clay. But still, 
if they find that they cannot get Mr. Clay, 1 believe 
that their patriotism alone would urge them all to ral- 
ly on Mr. W^irt (unexceptionable and even desirable 
as he is admitted on all hands to be) in sufficient force 
to defeat the re-election of General Jackson. I can- 
not think otherwise of those states with any respect 
for their patriotism and consistency. 

Do not understand me as disputing the superior 
claim of Mr. Clay. If my voice could decide this 
question, Mr. Clay would be our next President — 
But unfortunately for our wishes, it requires the con- 
currence of other voices besides our own, to effect the 
purpose. W^e cannot reason away the prejudices, 
however unjust, that oppose an insurmountable bar- 
rier to our wishes. We cannot work impossibilities 
even for the man of our " first love." That we can . 



20 

not elect him without a union of the whole opposi- 
tion is now admitted on every hand: and I do not per- 
ceive that even you, gentlemen, hope for such a union 
in his favor. Shall ive press him ivilh the certainty of 
defeat before us? Or will it not be more wise and pa- 
triotic to cast about and see if we cannot find another 
individual, who with less attractions for us, may yet 
have more for the other members of the opposition? 
The idea that if Mr. Clay cannot unite the opposition, 
no other man can, seems to me to be the very ques- 
tion in dispute. Is this not rather an effusion of feel- 
ing than a conclusion of judgment? It seems to me 
to assume that all tastes are alike, and ours is infalli- 
ble: an opinion which you will find yourselves obliged 
to correct, if you live to the age of 

AN OLD MAN. 



21 



LETTER IV. 



I AM neither surprised nor wounded by the sugges- 
tion, that you consider my arguments more plausible 
than just, because I perceive you have lost sight of 
the question to which these arguments were directed. 
The exemplary candour and propriety with which you 
have treated this subject assure me, that you will take 
this remark in the same good part in which I re- 
ceive yours. The question is, on which of the can- 
didates now before us, it will be most practicable to 
unite the opposition ? and in answer to my views of this 
question, in favor of Mr. Wirt, you say, that unfortu- 
nately Mr. Wirt's success is made to depend on that 
"significant monosyllable 'i/1,' — if the different mem- 
bers of the opposition will unite upon him. And pray 
gentlemen, on what does Mr. Clay's success depend.'' 
Is it not on that same significant monosyllable; ' if the 
different members will unite upon him.'*" 

You seem to think that you extricate Mr. Clay from 
this difficulty, by proving that he can be elected with- 
out the aid of the South. And how do you make out 
your proof.'* " ?/" the Anti-Masons will support him, 
and " ?/" the legislature of Maryland will pass a 
law, at its next session, to vote by general ticket, so as 
to give him all the electoral votes of this state. So 
that your case depends on a double " ■?/," the first of 
which, we know, to be impossible. 
. It is with no view of retorting your pleasantry, 
(for I consider it in no unkinder light) that I advert to 
your suggestions; but for the graver purpose of re- 



22 

calling your attention to the true question between us. 
It is because there is an " i/" in the case, in relation 
to all the candidates, that any question exists. Shew 
me that Mr. Clay can be certainly elected by the single 
force of the National Republican party, or, if you ad- 
mit this to be impossible, shew me a prohahility^ (I do 
not ask a certainty) that the other members of the 
opposition will unite upon him, and I will give up the 
dispute. Observe, I say, a probability that they will 
unite, not an argument to shew they ought to unite, 
for I am convinced of this already. But, unfortunate- 
ly, this question of union does not depend on our 
opinions nor on that of our party. The other mem- 
bers of the opposition claim the right to think for 
themselves, and this right cannot be denied to them — 
I am for practical results, and that, immediately. I 
am for the union, because I am for my country; com- 
pared with which the elevation of any individual, 
however dear to me, is but dust in the balance. In 
protracting the unprofitable discussion to convince the 
other members of the opposition that they ought to 
unite on Mr. Clay, we are wasting the precious hours 
which should be given to vigorous and concerted ac' 
Hon. They have told you that they cannot and ivill 
not unite on Mr. Clay, and every argument you urge 
in support of your proposition is turned upon you by 
the other parties. 

To show the utter hopelessness of this sort of discus- 
sion, let me recall your attention to one of your own 
propositions, with the view of shewing you how it is 
met. You tell the Anti Masons " that if they reso- 
lutely persist in supporting their candidate against 
hope, it will be apparent that party and not patriotic 



23 

motives control them ; for it must be manifest to tiiem 
that if the friends of the other candidates exhibit 
a hke obstinacy, the defeat of Mr. Wirt is inevitable." 
This is perfectly true. But the Anti-Masons retort 
your proposition in your own terms and say " If the 
JVational Republicans resolutely persist in supporting 
their candidate against hope^ it will be apparent that 
party and not political motives control them; for it 
must be manifest to them that if the friends of the 
other candidates exhibit a like obstinacy, the defeat of 
Mr. Clay is inevitable." And can we deny that this is 
equally true.'' We cannot deny it, unless we believe 
that we can elect Mr. Clay by the single strength of 
the National Republican party, against the opposing 
strength of General Jackson, the Anti-Masons and 
the Southern interest, which no man in his senses can 
believe. 

Gentlemen, we cannot infuse into the other mem- 
bers of the opposition that strong predilection which 
we feel for Mr. Clay; and while we continue to insist 
upon him as our candidate, we place an insurmount- 
able barrier in the way of that union which we all ad- 
mit to be indispensable to the cause of our coun- 
try. Every man who is capable of reflection must 
see this. We may deplore, we do deplore it. We may 
reproach the Anti-Masons with want of patriotism, 
because they will not unite on Mr. Clay, they answer 
that they distinguish between Mr. Clay and their coun- 
try; they consider it quite as patriotic to support Mr. 
Wirt as Mr. Clay, and more palriotic to extirpate a 
secret society, inconsistent with the liberties of the 
country, than to be solicitous for any man. We may 
cd\\i\\\s fanaticism^ if we please; but we might as 



24 

well attempt to persuade chrislians to give up their 
religion and become deists or atheists^ as to persuade 
the Anti-Masons to give up their opposition to Mason- 
ry and unite upon Mr. Clay. I perceive that some of 
our newspaper editors suppose that it is Mr. Wirt who 
keeps the Anti-Masons together, and that if he were 
to li'ithdraw^ they would dissolve and come in a large 
body to Mr. Clay. But how preposterous is this.? 
Were they not embodied with unextinguishable zeal 
upon their principle long before Mr. Wirt was 
thought of.'' And do they not tell us in their newspa- 
pers that if Mr. JVirt could disgrace himself by such 
a step., instead of coming to Mr. Clay, they would on- 
ly fly the farther from him and his party, and unite, 
with redoubled zeal, on some other more deep within 
the bosoms of their own party.'' It is perfectly idle 
to expect that any possible contingency can bring that 
party to Mr. Clay; and there is not a reasonable man 
in the community who does not perceive, that, without 
their aid, he cannot be elected. 

And where, let me ask you, is the wisdom of shut- 
ting our eyes to their strength, or seeking to depreci- 
ate it.? Look at the recent elections of Pennsylvania. 
You see that Mr. Clay has no strength in that state. 
In Philadelphia, counted as his strong hold, he has 
been defeated by General Jackson, and throughout 
the rest of the state he has no footing at all. It is di- 
vided between General Jackson and the Anti-Masons ; 
the former rapidly going down and the latter as rapid- 
ly going up. Then look at New York, the cradle of 
Anti-Masonry, and where it has already reached to 
such gigantic stature and strength, that no doubt is ex- 
pressed of their electing the next Governor. Mr. 



25 

Clay has no standing at all in that large and most com- 
manding of all the states in the Union. Vermont has 
gone over to the Anti-Masons, and the rest of the 
New-England states are rapidly following her exam- 
ple. And yet, in the face of all these facts, our edi- 
tors are telling us, that the Anti-Masonic strength has 
been greatly overrated^ ahd that we can do without 
them. Nay, they are insulting them, by stigmatising 
them ;is fanatics, noodles, and many other opprobri- 
ous names, as if the object Were to drive them off, in- 
stead of alluring them to our aid. 

And look at the conduct of some of out- editors 
with regard to another quarter of our country — At 
the very moment we are admitting the necessity of a 
United exertion of the whole strength of the opposi- 
tion, to throw off the dead Weight that is crushing us 
all, we had a paragraph in another paper the other day, 
insinuating, that from the friendship alleged to exist 
between Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Wirt, it was probable 
that if the latter were elected, the former gentleman 
and his friends would share much more largely the 
patronage and favor of the government, than Mr. 
Clay and his friends. So that at the very moment 
every true patriot and sensible man in the commu- 
nity, is labouring at the great object of conciliation 
and union, we have the editors sowing jealousies and 
distrusts among us, on the sordid and despicable cal- 
culation of individual profit and loss. And yet these 
are the men to whom we look in this country, to exalt 
the patriotism and morals, and direct the judgment of 
our people. I can only say, that if I could suppose 
Mr. Wirt capable of being moved in the discharge of 
the great duties of this office, by any such poor and pi- 



26 

tiful considerations, I had rather " bear the ills we 
have," than fly to him for succour. But I am not apt 
to entertain such a suspicion of a man who has reach- 
ed his time of life with a spotless reputation, and the 
character universally accorded to him of exalted intel- 
lect, and a generous and lofty spirit. It is time for 
the people of this country to think and act for them- 
selves, instead of being impelled and guided, by those 
who have no other objects in view than individual of- 
fice and emolument. And I am happy to observe, for 
the honor of the press, that the article which has call- 
ed forth these remarks has been transcribed, I beUeve, 
into few of our papers. It is time for us all to rally to 
the standard of our country, and not to the standard 
of this or that individual. I am ardently attached to 
Mr. Clay, but I am still more ardently attached to my 
country. And whatever pain, the effort may cost me, 
I, for one, am ready to relinquish him, whenever I see 
clearly, as I think I now do, that the good of my coun- 
try calls for the sacrifice. I think the sacrifice now 
called for, because it is as clear to me as that the sun 
has risen, that he cannot be elected on that strength, 
which alone he can command ; while I see as clearly, 
that a re-union of our party on Mr. Wirt will save us. 
You object to uniting on this gentleman, because he 
has been nominated by the Anti-Masons; and you 
think we cannot support /liwi, without admitting our- 
selves to be Anti-Masons too: and making the success 
of the Anti-Masonic principle the paramount object 
of the struggle. I confess, that this objection from 
such candid men amazes me. Suppose that the Anti- 
Masons had nominated Mr. Clay for President, and 
Mr. Wirt for Vice President, would you have seen 



any such objection, in that case, to adopting the nom- 
ination? Nay, would you not have hailed it with de- 
light, and supported it with acclamation throughout 
the whole National Republican party? Have you not 
said so from a hundred presses? And should we not 
have been right? Of what importance is it from what 
quarter a nomination comes, provided the nomination 
be proper in itself, and suited to the exigencies of 
our case. Is any doubt entertained that Mr. Wirt is 
a National Republican ? It would be idle to affect to 
raise such a doubt. We all know that he is. We 
have admitted it by our willingness to make him our 
Vice President. And what, though he has been nomi- 
nated by the Anti- Masons? We know that there are ma- 
ny National Republicans among tliem, and can we not 
support him as National Republican^ though we be not 
Anti-Masons? Besides, what Anti-Masonic principle 
has he advanced, to which we are not all ready, both 
Masons and Anti-Masons, to subscribe? Have we 
not ourselves, said that Mr. Clay is as much an Anti- 
Mason as Mr. Wirt? And if we would have support- 
ed Mr. Clay, had he been nominated by the Anti-Ma- 
sons, what consistency is there in making it an objec- 
tion to Mr. Wirt. 

You say that I press, very strongly, the propriety of 
giving up personal predilection, in relation to Mr. Cal- 
houn and Mr. Clay, but that 1 strangely abandon it 
with regard to Mr. Wirt. I answer that I would 
much more cheerfully abandon it with regard to Mr. 
Wirt, if I could see the same hope of union on Mr. 
Clay. It is not individual preference that guides my 
judgment; if it were, it would carry me to Mr. Clay. 
But in considering the question of a probability of a 



28 

union on either of the candidates, I have regarded 
those candidates only as I suppose and beheve they 
are regarded by the different members of the opposi- 
tion, whose union is desired, And thus considering 
the subject, I see the utter impossibihty of a union on 
either of the former, while there is a strong ground 
of hope for a union on the latter. It proceeds from 
no superiority of Mr. Wirt to either of the others; 
but from the simple fact that there is nothing in him 
repulsive to any of the members of the opposition, 
which cannot be affirmed of either of the other gen- 
tlemen. I have never considered Mr. Wirt as a rival 
candidate to Mr. Clay; but as a middle ground, a 
medium of conciliation and union for all the parts of 
the opposition. We know that he was and is friendly 
to Mr. Clay as well as to Mr. Calhoun. And if we 
may believe what is rumoured around us, without con- 
tradiction, and what we know to be perfectly conge- 
nial with the past pursuits and character of his whole 
life, he was so far from seeking his present position, 
that he strove to avoid it, and laboured, by all the 
means in his power to draw the Anti-Masonic nomi- 
nation first on Mr. Clay, and this becoming hopeless, 
on Judge McLean of Ohio, in the hope of bringing 
about this very union, at which all of us, who are 
friends of our country, are so zealously labouring. 
His own nomination, our presses admit, was as perfect 
a surprise on Mr. Wirt as on the country at large. It 
was no personal nor Anti-Masonic predilection, I am 
convinced, which drew the Anti Masons to Mr. Wirt. 
I have never ceased to consider this nomination as an 
overture directly addressed to us; as an olive branch, 
held out by the Anti-Masons for the purposes of peace, 



29 

conciliation and union, with all the members of the op- 
position, to accomplish the great common object of dis- 
lodging the present incumbent and relieving the coun- 
try from the reproach and disgrace under which it 
labours. It was no act of hostility to us. It was one 
of amity. They say to us, we cannot unite upon Mr. 
Clay, our principle forbids it; but we offer you another 
distinguished member of your own party, on whom, 
not only we, but the South, as we believe, are willing 
to unite with you ; your own political principles are 
safe with him. His letter satisfies us that, what we 
understand by anti-masonry is safe with him. And 
we believe that the South will feel itself far safer in 
his hands than in those of Gen. Jackson or Mr. Clay. 
The question then comes to us, are we willing to 
unite upon him ? Why are we not ? This gentleman 
is a National Republican. He is admitted to be among 
our most virtuous men, both in public and private life. 
We ourselves represent him as belonging to the first 
order of intellect in our own country ; a profound and 
able constitutional lawyer, with a discipline of twelve 
years in that best of political schools, the Cabinet of the 
President ; a gentleman in his principles, habits and as- 
sociations ; at once dignified and urbane in his man- 
ners, and kind, polite and conciliatory in his temper. 
With all the qualities fitted to shine and prosper in a po- 
litical course, we see that he has kept himself, from its 
youth to age, remote from its intrigues, and pure from 
contaminations, manifestly preferring the enjoyments 
of private life, to the pomp of a public one, and labo- 
ring successfully by all the efforts in his power to raise 
the moral and literary character of his countrymen. 
Such is the man who is offered to us as the only prac- 



30 

ticable point of union for the members of the opposition. 
Shall we alone refuse him ? Shall we close our eyes to 
the facts which demonstrate the certain and inevitable 
defeat which is before us if we do refuse him ? Shall 
we, with some of our editors, talk of nailing the single 
flag of our own party to the mast head, fill all our 
sails and cheer the ship, while we see that we are run- 
ning her directly on the rocks ? Shall we do this, 
when, with the tri-coloured flag which is tendered to 
us by the other members of the opposition, we have it 
in our power to keep the open sea and go safely and 
prosperously into our desired port ? Such madness 
(for it deserves no milder name) may suit young peo- 
ple, but it does not at all accord either with the feel- 
ings or judgment of 

AN OLD MAN. 



31 



LETTER V. 



Gentlemen, — You say that I still insist upon the 
Mountain coming to Mahomet. I was not aware, if 
pleasantry may be allowed on so grave a subject, that, 
in addressing the National Republican party, I was 
addressing an insensible mass of earth and rock. I 
thought I was speaking to intelligent beings, who had 
the power of locomotion, and would exert it too, 
whenever their duty to their country required it. — 
But since, in the political drama which is in prepara- 
tion, you insist upon casting the character of the 
Mountain for our party, permit me to assume, for a 
moment, that of the prophet, and to foretell that our 
mountain labors will end where similar labors have 
ended before, and if we continue to insist on Mr. 
Clay, the end is defeat, and that as certain and ine- 
vitable as that the election shall arrive. 

It is true that our wise and dignified editors stig- 
matize every man as an open or insidious foe who pre • 
sumes to think with independence for himself, and 
chances to be led to a different conclusion from that 
which they choose to advocate. I will not give ex- 
pression to the sentiment which rises to my pen at the 
contemplation of the state of the press in this country, 
and the dictatorship over public opinion which these 
men presume to arrogate ; for, I would not increase the 
spirit of bitterness which is already beginning to min- 
gle itself with this question. My hope is, that the great 
body of my fellow citizens will keep themselves calm 
and quiet, and think for themselves with that firmness 



33 

and independence which is their right. The design 
seems to be to frighten us by insult and nienace, into a 
compliance which our reason rejects, and our duty to 
our country condemns. Others may yield to this slavish 
terror; for myself, I feel that I am a freeman; and, 
can look with pity on this impotent attempt to enslave 
the independence of my judgment — I turn to you, 
gentlemen, with pleasure, because, with you, I can 
sincerely reciprocate the respect with which you con- 
tinue to receive and treat the views which I am 
endeavouring, in my feeble, yet unimpassioned way, 
to lay before you. 

I protest against being considered as the advocate 
of Mr. Wirt. I go for my country, and for the de- 
feat of the re-election of General Jackson. Shew 
me the competent man who can do this, and you will 
find me under his banner, whatever may be his name. 
Mr. Clay, Mr. Calhoun, Judge McLean, Mr. Wirt, 
Mr. Webster, Mr. John Sergeant, and many others 
that may be named, would either of them be far more 
acceptable to me than the present incumbent. I have 
a preference among them, and that preference, as I 
have often repeated, is for Mr. Clay. To some of 
them I should object on political grounds, but I have 
no objection to either of them which is not far inferi- 
or to the insuperable objections I feel to Andrew 
Jackson. I have considered the subject only with re- 
ference to Mr. Clay, Mr. Calhoun, and Mr. Wirt, be- 
cause these three gentlemen alone are now before the 
nation, and my own reason operating on that know- 
ledge of parties which is open to us all, has led me to 
the conclusion which I have endeavoured to support. 
I do verily and sincerely believe, that, of all the men 



33 

in the nation, who have yet been proposed, Mr. Wirt 
stands in that pecuHar position which presents the on- 
ly chance of accomphshing the purpose at which the 
whole opposition profess to aim. 

You say, I have not yet shown that the whole oppo- 
sition will unite on Mr. Wirt. It is true there is no 
certainty in the case at present, but I contend that 
there is a very strong probability in his favor. Shew 
me such an one ivith regard to Mr. Clay and I yield 
the question. But the misfortune is, that with regard to 
Mr. Clay, it is certain that they will not unite. To 
this certainty that they ivill not unite on Mr. Clay^ I 
oppose the strong ^probability that they tvill unite on 
Mr. Wirt And if the National Republican party will 
unite on him, that probability would become almost a 
certainty; for then by the union of the National Re- 
publican and Anti-Masonic parties, his success would 
be rendered so far certain, that the wavering materi- 
als which are already loosened from the present ad- 
ministration, including the parties of Mr. Calhoun and 
Mr. M'Lean, would fall off at once and insure the elec- 
tion of Mr. Wirt: whereas if we keep Mr. Clay in the 
field, these materials will certainly re-unite themselves 
to General Jackson more firmly, and thus increasing 
his strength, insure our defeat. It is strange, but true, 
that the whole difficulty in the case arises from a quar- 
ter in which it ought least to be expected, the Natio- 
nal Republican party. They cannot and will not give 
up Mr. Clay ; and it cannot be denied that there are 
those among us who had rather be defeated with Mr. 
Clay than succeed with any other candidate. This 
is very amiable in private life, but is it patriotic, is it 
wise with relation to the greater interests of our coun- 
5 



34 

try ? I do not say that this is the case with the whole 
party, but that it is with many of them I am perfectly 
convinced. Yet I beheve that with many others, and 
indeed the far greater number of our party, the prevail- 
ing argument and belief is, that there is no hope of 
success but in Mr. Clay, and that if we cannot defeat 
General Jackson with him, we have no chance of do- 
ing it with any other candidate. 

It is against this proposition that I have directed my 
efforts. I do not believe it to be sound. On the con- 
trary, I think it demonstratively certain that we can- 
not succeed with Mr. Clay, unless we retract the con- 
cession heretofore universally made, that it requires a 
union of the opposition to insure our success. While I 
do believe such a union may be formed on Mr. Wirt, 
I do not perceive that even you gentlemen have the 
slightest hope of such a union on Mr. Clay ; and if so, 
is it not manifest that in hoping for his success we are 
hoping against reason ? The proposition, therefore, 
that if we cannot succeed with Mr. Clay, we cannot 
succeed with any other candidate, amounts to an aban- 
donment of the contest, so far as a successful result is 
concerned. And are we to set down for another four 
years under the yoke of Andrew Jackson ? — We shall 
unquestionably do it, if we rest on Mr Clay. I am 
therefore prepared to look out for a man by whose in- 
strumentality we can save ourselves from this fate ; 
and if we have not yet found that man, I am prepared 
to look further until we do find him. 

But what are the grounds on which this desperate 
proposition is maintained, that if we cannot succeed 
with Mr. Clay, we cannot succeed with any one else ? 
I understand them to be these : that Mr. Clay has al- 



35 

ready the support of the strongest member of the op- 
position, the National Rcpubhcan party, and that this 
party will not give him up and unite on any other can- 
didate. But it is clear and is admitted that on this party 
alone, which constitutes his whole strength, Mr. Clay 
cannot succeed ; and if with this certainty of defeat 
before them, the National Republicans will not give 
him up, it is equally clear that present success is not 
their object. They may gratify their own feelings for the 
present, and may also gratify Mr. Clay for the present, 
by this evidence of their attachment to him, and after 
the battle is fought and lost they may have the 
further gratification of saying to him, " well, we stuck 
to you to the last — we cannot help it ;" and he may 
have the pleasure to rejoin " I thank you my friends 
for this evidence of your devotion, which is efficacious 
enough to sweeten the bitternes of defeat, &c. &c." 
In the mean time, while this sentimental dialogue is 
going on, what has become of the country ? Andrew 
Jackson is re-elected, and the country is to be de- 
graded and cursed for another four years, for the sake 
of this interchange of sentiment between our party 
and Mr. Clay. I hope I am as sensible of the value 
of kind and friendly feelings both in private and pub- 
lic life, as the rest of my fellow-citizens, but I do not 
understand the propriety of permitting those feelings 
to take the lead of our judgments, when a great mea- 
sure of vital importance to our country is concerned. 
I am fully aware of the strong attachment of the 
National Republican party to Mr. Clay. I know that 
there is more eclat connected with his name, than 
that of any other candidate. I know how ardently 
our party desire his election, and with what extreme 



36 

reluctance they would give him up. But when we 
see that he cannot possihhj he elected^ what reason, 
what patriotism, what grace is there in persisting in 
exposing him and ourselves to certain defeat, while 
our prostrate country is calling to us for relief? 
Ought not this reflection to bring us to a pause ? Is 
it not wiser to look around us and see if there be no 
possibility of affording to our country the relief which 
is asked and which we all see she much needs ? The 
National Republicans wish the election of Mr. Clay, 
but surely they do not wish his defeat. And do we 
not all admit that our first duty is to our country, and 
that to enable, us to minister to her wants and to her 
glory, all our personal predilections ought to give way } 
Now, if the National Republicans see, as they must 
see, that they cannot carry Mr. Clay, and see also by 
uniting on another member of their ow^n party, that they 
can carry rehef to their sufTaring country, shall we 
believe them so unpatriotic as to say that they will not 
unite upon him, but will still adhere to Mr. Clay though 
his case be one of total despair. I cannot yet believe 
this. Though our party may have the size of the 
mountain, 1 do not believe they have its stolidity and 
immobility. I believe they can and will move in what- 
ever direction their duty to their country calls them. 
Some of our papers allege that it would destroy the 
organization of the National Republican party to 
unite with the other members of the opposition on Mr. 
Wirt. But would not the same visionary objection 
(for such I shall shew it to be) exist to their uniting 
with the opposition on any other candidate on whom 
there is the slightest hope that they can be brought to 
unite. This is manifestly so; and the objection re- 



37 

solves itself into an objection to any union at all, un- 
less the other members will follow your dictation in 
uniting on Mr. Clay, which you know they will not 
do. Then, these editors wilfully reject the aid of the 
other members of the opposition, and assent to what 
they cannot but know must be the certain conse- 
quence, the re-election of General Jackson. And 
why is this disastrous consequence to be forced upon 
us.^ We are told that it is to preserve the organiza- 
tion of the National Republican party, but to what 
purpose.'' certainly with no purpose connected with 
the approaching election, for this is manifestly despe- 
rate if the National Republicans stand alone in the 
contest. It must then be with reference to the elec- 
tion of 1836. For whose good.? For Mr. Clay's, I 
suppose. Now, what may happen between this time 
and 183G,— on what policy the nation may have linally 
settled down, in the strong desire to conciliate the 
South and the North, and thus preserve the union of 
the United States, — whether the South may not before 
that time even have separated from the union, — and 
who may be alive to witness these changes, who can 
tell.? Mr. Clay, you and I may all be in our graves. 
And are we in the mean time, to submit to the present 
evil, which is now grinding and crushing our country, 
and continue to bow our necks to this modern Domi- 
tian who is lording it over our liberties, our honor, our 
morals, on the precarious contingencies of what may 
happen in 1836.? Is this prudent, is it wise, is it pa- 
triotic? we have it, now, in our power to disencum- 
ber our country of a grievous and disgraceful burthen; 
and instead of doing it, directly, with the energy of 
patriots, we fold our arms and permit the nuisance to 



38 

continue, and content ourselves with dreaming and 
talking of what may possibly be done in 1836. 

And all this we are told we are to suffer to preserve 
the orgamzation of the National Republican party. 
I should be glad to understand what is meant by the 
organization of our party; since it is this organiza^ 
tion which is said to be in danger by our accepting the 
invitation of the other members of the opposition to 
unite with them in overthrowing the present dynasty. 
I understand the usual meaning of the organization 
of a body both in its physical and political sense; but 
am not aware that the National Republican party of 
the United States is an organized body in either of 
these senses. I know of no bond of union between 
the members of this party, but their concurrence in 
opinion on the great questions of public policy. It is 
this concurrence of opinion that constitutes the only 
organization of the party with which I am acquainted: 
and I confess myself utterly unable to comprehend 
how their supporting, for the office in question, the 
nomination of a man who belongs to their own party, 
can have the slightest tendency to affect their organi- 
zation as the National Republican party. Do those 
editors mean to say that having Mr. Clay for their 
head, constitutes the organization of tlie party, and 
that if you give up Jmn you give up your party? If 
they do, then it is no longer a party of ^^rinciple^ it is 
the party of a man; and the death of Mr Clay would 
put an end to your opinions and your party. In this 
sense of the word, I beg you to understand that I am 
not a National Republican, for I can be no man's vas- 
sal. I feel that I am not born to lick the dust from 
the foot of any man, however hi^h accidental circum- 



39 

stances or his own merits may liave raised him. I 
stand upon the principles of the National Repiibhcan 
party, and I beheve that these principles will survive 
us all; nor do I feel them at all endangered by my 
supporting a man whom I believe to be as truly and 
firmly a National Republican as Mr. Clay himself. 

Nor can I imagine how my political principles are 
to be lost or even weakened by the other members of 
the opposition uniting on this man. I support him as 
a National Republican. I care not for the motives 
which lead others to support him. If the National 
Republican party adopt him, he becomes the candi- 
date of the party ; and if there is to be any merging 
in the case, it is far more natural to suppose that the 
minor members of the party will be merged in the 
larger, than the reverse. Rut in truth there is no ne- 
cessity for the merging of any party by this joint ope- 
ration. Did the several colonies of the United States 
lose their separate characters because they united 
their arms to repel the encroachments of Great Rri- 
tain? Were they not, after their victory, still sepa- 
rate states standing upon their several and respective 
constitutions ? 

No, gentlemen, our party is formed and known by 
their principles. It is this alone which distinguishes 
them from other parties. It is this, that constitutes 
their only organisation. And let the election fall on 
whom it may, their principles and the party which 
hold them, will still live and flourish, for they are vital- 
ly connected with the firmness and felicity of the 
union. The idea that our party will lose its organiza- 
tion by uniting on a man holding the same principles 
with ourselves, is a vision so wild and strange as to be 



40 

utterly incredible and unintelligible to me; and with 
too many, I much fear, that it is merely a mask to 
cover the settled determination, rather to be defeated 
at this time with Mr. Clay, than to succeed with any 
other man. 

I have yet something more to say, for the cause 
is near my heart; I do not love my country less for 
being 

AN OLD MAN. 



41 



LETTER VI. 



You still think, that it is out of the question to ex- 
pect the National Republican party to unite on Mr. 
Wirt. Then let us give up Mr. Wirt, and look for 
some one else on whom they ivill unite, with the 
other members of the opposition. Will they unite 
on Mr. Calhoun, or Mr. McLean, or Mr. Webster, 
or Mr. Sergeant? None of these gentlemen, I be- 
lieve, are Masons, some of them are National Re- 
publicans, and it is possible, that if we consent, the 
other members of the opposition may be willing to 
unite on some one of them, and thus carry the great 
object so near to our hearts* 

Permit me to offer to your consideration, another 
suggestion. Congress will soon be in session, and there, 
I understand, will be found gentlemen belonging to 
the several divisions of the opposition. Let them 
enter into a conference with each other, and see if it 
be not possible to find a remedy for our country's 
griefs. Let them meet in a spirit of mutual concili- 
ation, and unite their patriotic exertions to heave off 
the incubus, which is oppressing and destroying our 
country. I care nothing for the elevation of Mr. 
Wirt or of any other individual, in comparison with 
the honor and salvation of the republic. I believe 
him to be an honest man, and as such I respect him. 
He has told us that he does not desire the office, and 
I believe him, for I do not think that ambition is the 
god of every man. But whether he desires the office 
or not, is a consideration which would not weigh a 
6 



42 

feather in my judgment. Let the members of Con- 
gress confer, and indicate to their respective parties, 
the man, on whom the opposition can be wholly unit- 
ed; or if not wholly, can be so far united as to defeat 
the re-election of Andrew Jackson; and that man, 
if I think him honest and competent, as no doubt I 
shall, will thenceforth become my candidate. If that 
man should not be Mr. Wirt, let those who have plac- 
ed him in nomination withdraw him, for I will not 
ask of him any thing so manifestly improper and un- 
availing, as to withdraw himself. Let all others be 
put aside except the candidate so nominated, and let 
us all make " a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull al- 
together," to lift up the down trodden honor of our 
country, and restore it to its former elevation. 

You will ask me, if I am not willing to trust the 
National Republican Convention to make the nomi- 
nation ? I answer, that I am perfectly willing, if that 
Convention can speak for the other members of the 
opposition, whose union is admitted to be indispen- 
sable to our success. That Convention, so far as I 
have seen their names, is composed of gentlemen of 
the first character, both for talents, honor, and patri- 
otism. Do they come from all the various members 
of the opposition, so far as to give us an assurance of 
the union of those members on their nomination? 
But even if they do not, yet as their session will be 
contemporaneous with that of Congress, and as in 
Congress there are members, we are told, from all the 
various divisions of the opposition, it will be easy for 
the Convention sitting as they will, in the same neigh- 
bourhood with Congress, to ascertain the practicabi- 
lity of uniting the opposition in whole or in part, on 



43 

some one candidate, so as to guide their own decision 
to a successful result. 

If they will not do this, if they mil not even consvU 
with the other members of the opposition; if they 
are to meet, as I have seen it suggested in one of our 
headlong papers, ybr the single and express purpose of 
nominating Mr. Clay and no one else^ then, gentle- 
men, flatter ourselves as we may, the case is gone, and 
we are ingloriously defeated, leaving the neck of our 
country under the foot of Andrew Jackson, and his 
myrmidons laughing in triumpli at our obstinacy and 
folly. 

You say that if no other member of the opposition 
will unite on Mr. Clay, yet the National Republicans 
alone, although they may not be able to elect him be- 
fore the people, will be able to carry him into the 
house the leading inemher. And do you think it ad- 
visable to run this risk, if, by uniting the opposition, 
you can secure an election by the people .-^ Will you per- 
sist in believing that the opposition cannot be united, 
without stopping to make a trial, or even consulting for 
the purpose of a trial.'' Is it desirable, think you, to 
have another election by the House of Representa- 
tives after the experience we have already had on 
this subject? Are you so very sure that Mr. Clay 
will get before the house at all "^ I do not believe he 
will, but that the very division and distraction of the 
opposition, with which we are threatening ourselves, 
will insure the re-election of General Jackson- But, 
suppose Mr. Clay to get before the house : have 
you examined the materials of which that house 
is to be composed.'' Have you polled the members, 
and can you rationally entertain the hope that before 



44 

that house, Mr. Clay will be elected? Will not all 
Gen Jackson's friends stand fast to him ? Will not 
the Southern interest prefer him to Mr. Clay ? Shall 
we shut our eyes to these facts too, and rush as blind- 
ly^before the house, as we are now rushing before the 
people, with every calculation against us, nay with 
the certainty of defeat before us in both instances ? 
We accuse the other members of the opposition of 
a want of patriotism, and even of a conspiracy to re- 
elect Gen. Jackson. — Why ? Because they will not 
bow to our dictation, as to the candidate to be support- 
ed. What right have we to dictate. We are only 
one member of an opposition composed of several 
members, each of which has the same right with our- 
selves. The other members of the opposition say 
they cannot unite on Mr. Clay ! but they have given 
the most intelligible demonstrations that they are 
willing to unite on another man of our own party, with 
whom we must know our political principles to be 
safe, or we never would have been willing to make 
him our Vice-President. — If ive alone continue to re- 
fuse this union, on whom does the charge fall of a 
want of patriotism, and a conspiracy to re-elect Gen. 
Jackson ? Gentlemen, the question of union or no 
union, depends on our party. The fate of the election 
is in our own hands. If it be lost, let us declare 
and argue as we may, every considerate man will see 
that tlie responsibility is on us. 

Our enemy sees our folly, and is laboring, by all the 
arts in his power, to keep Mr. Clay in the field. Thus 
the other day, the Jackson paper, the Globe, cunning- 
ly threw out the suggestion, that they would consider 
the withdrawal of Mr. Clay as the withdrawal of all 



5!irt:i9 



45 

opposition to the re-election of Gen, Jackson. In- 
stead of seeing through this shallow artifice to keep 
Mr. Clay in the field, for such it is, our profound and 
sapient editors are every where gravely thanking the 
Globe for his salutary admonitions, and assuring him 
that we have no intention of committing such a folly, 
while the Globe and his compeers are laughing be- 
hind the curtain, at the ridiculous facility with which 
we suffer ourselves to be gulled. What phrenzy has 
seized us ; — what fatal necessity is urging us to our 
ruin ? It would really seem as if, according to the 
sentiment of the Roman writer, " Heaven, determined 
upon our destruction, had first made us mad." 

Gentlemen, I have done. You may call this croak- 
ing, if you please, and your brother editors may, if 
they think proper, continue to treat it as insidious hos- 
tility to Mr. Clay. But, if things take the course now 
indicated by our public papers, the time will come, 
and that ere long, when you will think more favorably 
than you now seem to do, of the counsels of 

AN OLD MAN. 



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